Does Ireland need an Army?

Ever since Colm McCarthy's 'Special Group on Public Service Numbers and Expenditure Programmes' - commonly referred to as 'An Bord Snip (Nua)' - suggested to cut the Defence Budget by € 53 million and to reduce the strength of the Irish Defence Forces (IDF) by 520 (see my entry of July 16th), a debate about the structure and duties of our military is going on.

The Naval Service, which has a total strength of 1144 and currently operates eight corvettes of various sizes and ages, is getting a relatively easy time of it. Everyone realises that - as an island nation - we really need it. In fact, we could well do with some additional vessels, but during a recession this is obviously not going to happen.

In contrast, the Aer Corps, with 939 serving members the smallest part of the IDF, is getting a lot of flak. The main criticism is that there is no longer any airborne defence system in operation and the Aer Corps is now "reduced to be the air taxi service for the government".
There is little one can offer in argument against that. Indeed, the Irish Aer Corps has not a single fighter, fighter-bomber or bomber aircraft in service. There is a handful of helicopters, a couple of fixed-wing aircraft, and the two government jets (which are operated by military pilots).

One has indeed to ask if this organisation, which once operated a complete squadron of fighters, is still fit for purpose.
Perhaps not, and one should seriously contemplate a merger of Naval Service and Aer Corps into an efficient Coast Guard.

There is also a significant question mark hanging over the Army, with about 8,500 personnel the largest of the three IDF branches. People usually know that several units of the Irish Army are serving with UN peacekeeping forces in various parts of the world. They have been doing this since 1960, when a large Irish contingent (from the 32nd Battalion, commanded by Lt.Col. Murt Buckley) was sent to the newly established African state (and former Belgian colony) of Congo (Leopoldville)*.
Over the decades Irish troops, serving with the UN and wearing its blue helmets and berets, have become very popular and respected in the areas they policed. This goes especially for Cyprus and South Lebanon, where IDF contingents served under UN command for many years.

More recently Irish peacekeepers were sent to the newly independent East Timor (1999-2000) and to Liberia (2003-2006). In both deployments the Army Ranger Wing - Ireland's 50-strong special forces unit - played a significant role in operations.

And for the past two years up to 500 Irish soldiers - 17% of the entire army - have been the core unit of EUFOR Chad/CAR, the EU peacekeeping and peace-enforcing command based in Chad, which is controlled directly by the European Union and in support of multi-national humanitarian operations in both Chad and Darfur (a large province of Sudan). Until his recent retirement, Lt.Gen. Pat Nash (above) - formerly GOC of the 1 Southern Brigade in Cork - was the overall commander of this force.

But as much as Irish troops have established a good name for themselves and for Ireland in far-away places, one has to ask if the only duty of our Army is to provide soldiers for the UN? Or is there a further and deeper purpose for the Army, much closer to home?

Well, as far as the general public knows, the only visible duty our Army performs inside the country is armed escort for private money transports (aka 'cash in transit'). One can see the olive-green range-rovers packed with armed men in battledress almost everywhere in Ireland when a bank receives a delivery of money.
Apart from that the Army is pretty invisible and absent from most people's minds. Unless one lives in a garrison town and close to the barracks, one has hardly ever any contact with the military.

Like most countries without a national service, Ireland has a small professional defence force, entirely staffed by volunteers, for whom this is a job like any other. Well, perhaps not like any other, but the attitude here is that it is a job, and not a national duty.

The only people who know what is going on inside the IDF are those who belong to the service, plus their families and relatives, who usually get at least some idea. For the rest of the country, the vast majority of the Irish nation, the IDF, its structure, mission and duties are a complete enigma.

There are even people who wonder if Ireland needs an army at all. Well, the questions makes some sense, since we are an island nation with - at present - no hostile neighbours and no main threat against us from anywhere. We are simply much too nice a people to become targets for wars or invasions now.

This was of course not always so. During the 9th and 10th centuries the Vikings raided the island regularly, before deciding that it is actually a great place to settle. In the late 12th century the Normans invaded us and took over the country. Their control led to the rule of the English, and thus to 750 years of foreign occupation and oppression.

And it is only 40 years that 'the Troubles' in the North began, leading to massive deployments of British troops and to more than 3000 people killed on both sides of the conflict.

Nowadays we don't think of that much longer. Now we have the 'peace process' and a power-sharing administration in Belfast.
Well, I often wondered what a 'peace process' actually is, apart from a nice sounding word. It is a bit of a contradiction, because either there is peace, or not. In the latter case we are at war. But a 'peace process'? That's neither fish nor flesh, not here nor there, and as impossible as being 'a little bit pregnant'.

Personally I think and believe that there is little chance for a return of widespread violence to the Six Counties. The period of ceasefires and power-sharing has lasted too long now, and too many people from both communities are too much involved. They, and many more, would have to pay a price much too high to contemplate if they would return to civil war and street fighting.

So, what is the Army of the Republic for? We have no longer any enemies, and no-one is planning to invade us. Maybe the pacifists are right, and we could as well abolish our Army under these circumstances?

Well, if the current government and its advisors keep going along the road they have been travelling on for nearly two decades, the Irish Army will eventually disappear quietly.
20 years ago its strength was roundabout 16,500. Then a 'defence review' reduced it to first 14,000 and eventually 12,500.
Not long after that the then Minister for Defence Michael Smith (Fianna Fáil) had the idea of employing a company of civilian consultants to 're-structure and reform' the Army. The result was a White Paper which insulted every serving Irish soldier, and which cut the Army's strength even further, to 9,500 (and thus for the first time below the crucial 10,000-mark).

Meanwhile we stand at a grand total of 8,500. In practical terms this means that at any given time less than 5,000 soldiers would be available to defend the country or deal with a major emergency, if it occurred. (The rest of the Army is either serving abroad, in transit, in training for a foreign mission, on special courses, on holidays or on sick leave.)

If the government follows the recommendations of 'An Bord Snip (Nua)', then we will soon be below 8,000 active Army personnel, which means that just a little over 4,000 soldiers would be on stand-by in Ireland, in case they are needed. This is slightly more than one brigade. (The current Army structure has three brigades.)

Most people may think that this is still more than enough in a country with no threat or enemy, but in fact it is not. Armies have a peculiar structure, which means that their efficiency depends on a 'critical mass' of soldiers in a state of permanent readiness. The larger the overall force is, the easier this 'critical mass' can be achieved. But when the strength of an army falls below the 'natural defence level', which is a quarter of one percent of the population, it is very difficult and almost impossible to achieve efficient defence readiness.
With Ireland's population - not counting foreigners for this purpose - at about 4 million, the 'natural defence level' of our Army is 10,000. For more than a decade we are already 15% below this level, and now it is supposed to be cut even further.

Which means that the Irish Army is now only useful for UN operations abroad, for which the relevant units undergo a special training. But at home we have an Army only by name, but not a force that could act and react with efficiency and expectation of success.
For the past twenty years successive Fianna Fáil governments have reduced the Irish Army more and more, to the point that it is becoming useless. Perhaps not quite as useless as the government, but coming close.

Since our soldiers and officers are better paid than their comrades in many other countries, and our Chief of Staff gets more money than his counterpart in the UK, the Army would indeed be a great cost-cutting chance in a recession. If the government indeed does not want an army - and all the indications point in this direction - then it would be only fair to say so openly.

Costa Rica and Iceland, two other neutral countries with small populations, have not had an army for decades and are doing fine. They have not been attacked, invaded or drawn into a war.

We could save a large amount of money if we would abolish the Army - and the Department of Defence with it - and be as peaceful and neutral as we always pretend to be. Naval Service and Aer Corps could be amalgamated into a new and strengthened Coast Guard, which could also have some land-based units. It should be governed by a restored Dept. of the Marine, which should also get responsibility for Fishing and Natural Resources.

I bet a good sum of money that - if we would go ahead and abolished the Army - hardly anyone in Ireland would miss it. The places where it would be missed are the UN HQ in New York and the deserts and refugee camps of Chad and Sudan.

The Emerald Islander


* After being renamed Zaire (by President Mobuto) for some time, the country has changed its name again and is now known as the 'Democratic Republic of Congo' (DRC).
After nearly 50 years of nominal independence, it is still one of the most unstable and war-torn countries on Earth, and still has a large UN force stationed there. However, at present Ireland is not contributing to this force.

Child Benefit is Lenihan's next Target

Mary Hanafin (left), the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, has confirmed that the Irish government will soon "reduce the amount it is spending on child benefit payments".

In future the payments are to be either means-tested or taxed, but a decision which of these two options would be more appropriate has not been made yet.

The matter will eventually be decided by the Minister for Finance, Brian Lenihan (right), who is currently more than € 10 billion short of his budget and has to find at least another € 4 billion in savings and spending reductions this year. It is expected that he will wait with his decision until he has received a report from the Commission on Taxation, which is due shortly.

According to Mary Hanafin the universal child benefit is costing the State € 2.5 billion per year. And since child benefit is so far paid to every mother who has a child or children, regardless of income and social status, the scheme is a natural target for Brian Lenihan.

Politicians from different parties and various interest groups have openly criticised the 'free for all' child benefit in the past, making the point that it is also paid to people who are certainly not in need of it (like millionaires and very well-off professionals and civil servants).

Social conservatives have also remarked that the generous payment of child benefit - regardless of circumstances - is one of the main reasons for the high rate of unmarried young mothers and teenage pregnancies in Ireland.

Although I would not regard myself as conservative, I agree with this point. In fact, I would go much further than the government is contemplating. I would abolish universal child benefit completely, and thus save the State at least € 2 billion per annum.

The idea of child benefit payments is a relatively recent addition to the government's social welfare budget, and it is a fact that there was never a shortage of children when there was no child benefit available from the State. Quite the opposite, actually, as birth rates were much higher in the past than they are now.
And somehow most of the children born without the taxpayers' financial assistance were brought up without problems. There were a lot more stable families in the past, and much less unmarried young mothers and teenage pregnancies.

So it could well be argued that child benefit, initially intended to support mothers on the lower end of the social scale who were really struggling to make ends meet, has become an unintended stimulant for less stable families and a lot more single mothers who can live quite comfortably on a combination of social welfare, child benefit, housing benefit and various other benefits available to them.

There are plenty of girls and young women in Ireland who see an early child as their ticket to social and financial security. Most of them come still from the lower end of the social scale, and many are poorly educated. When they leave school, there are few jobs or careers open to them. They might find a low-paid job in a supermarket, but that would pay them less than they can make on state benefits, if they have at least one child.

I know plenty of such cases here, and not far from where I live there is a communal housing estate with about twenty houses, all of which are occupied by single mothers and their children. The rent they are charged by the Council is minimal, and if they play their cards right, they can receive additional benefits in kind, such as a certain amount of free electricity and telephone units each month, a free TV licence (which costs € 162 per annum for other people) and a winter fuel allowance for the cold half of the year. Some have even managed to get free bus passes.

For these women having children out of wedlock has become a very profitable 'business', and usually they have a few children by different fathers before the age of 30. Apart from various visiting boyfriends there is hardly ever a man to be seen in that housing estate, and not one of the women is in a stable relationship.

I am no moralising prude and have no problems with women who have children out of wedlock. But I do resent that I - and all the other Irish taxpayers - are made to pay for it. Every weekend one can see scores of these single mothers flocking to the various bars, discos and night clubs in the city, scantily clad and with plenty of money to spend on their weekly 'big night out'.
Personally I am not interested in that sort of lifestyle, and I don't take alcoholic drinks. But even if I would be attracted by it, as a hard-working single man I could not afford such extravagance on a regular basis.

So I do think that the abolition of universal child benefit would do a lot more good to our nation and society than it would cause hardship to some. Those mothers who are in real need should of course be supported by the State. A means-tested child benefit, integrated into the normal social welfare scheme, could take care of that.
And it would cost the State not more than € 500 million a year. Which means that by making such a clean cut, Brian Lenihan would have already half of the sum he needs to save this year.

There would most likely be an outcry from certain quarters, such as radical feminists, ultra-liberals and various soft-minded do-gooders. But that would not be for long, especially if the State is fair with mothers who really need help, but firm with those who use child benefit payments to finance their fashion clothes, fancy shoes and the weekly 'big night out'.

Due to the recession and the massive increase in unemployment in recent months Ireland's social welfare payments have increased "very significantly", as Mary Hanafin put it. There are now many families, as well as single people, for whom the bare survival depends on the weekly payment of basic social welfare. These payments cannot be reduced, unless the State wants to risk widespread extreme poverty, social unrest and a serious increase in petty crime.

On the other hand it is quite clear that the current social welfare budget of € 21 billion per annum is - as the Minister stated - "just too much" for Ireland in the current economic crisis.

Child benefit is not only the most obvious and logical target for a spending cut, it is also the most fair from an overall perspective. If people want to have children, it should be their responsibility to look after them and pay for their upbringing and education. There is absolutely no reason why people who are childless should pay for the children of other people.

Children are a blessing, and childless people often suffer enough emotionally and mentally from the fact that they are without offspring. It is extremely unfair to burden them financially with children other people produce in a carefree or careless way, expecting the State to pick up the bill for decades to come.

In the housing estate I mentioned above there is a 'family' of women, consisting of meanwhile three generations of unmarried mothers and their children. The head of this 'family', a woman in her late forties, had four daughters out of wedlock, each by a different father. Her eldest daughter, now in her early thirties, has three daughters out of wedlock. And her eldest has just given birth to her first child - another daughter - at the age of 15!
None of them was ever married or in a stable relationship. And none of them has ever worked a single day. All they do is to live a rather comfortable and secure life, have children out of wedlock, and expect the State to pay for it all.

I don't want to give the impression of being too harsh, but in my opinion this all-female 'family' is nothing but a bunch of feckless parasites.

Abolish universal child benefit, and they might well be forced to live forthwith in the real world. They might still carry on with their immoral and selfish lifestyle, especially as they are by now so used to it, but at least Ireland's taxpayers would no longer be forced to finance it.

As regular readers of this weblog know, I am not a friend of the current Irish government. But if Brian Lenihan and Mary Hanafin have the guts to abolish universal child benefit, I would be the first to applaud and congratulate them.

The Emerald Islander

All depends now on the Green Party

The Irish government has today won the vote on the Labour Party's motion condemning the education cuts in the 2009 Budget, which had been adjourned last night after a long and angry debate in the Dáil. (see yesterday's entry)

The result was 80-74, which means that the original coalition majority of ten has now shrunk to just six votes.
Should further Fianna Fáil backbenchers or independent TDs who support the ruling coalition defect, the government could lose its parliamentary majority in due course.

Today's vote made it quite clear that the government is now completely dependent on the votes of the six Green TDs, the second-largest partner in the coalition.
Should they - for whatever reason - withdraw their support or leave the coalition, Brian Cowen's government would fall like a house of cards, which indeed it has been for some time.

A change of government before the end of the full five-year period for which the 30th Dáil was elected in 2007 looks now more than likely. There could either be a different coalition taking over - as it was the case in 1994, after the short-lived coalition between Fianna Fáil and the Labour Party under Taoiseach Albert Reynolds collapsed - or there could be an early general election.

All depends now on the Green Party, which - probably without intention - has become the crucial political force in Ireland. They can either nail their colour to the mast of the damaged ship of Fianna Fáil, or recover the rests of their once strong morals and decency that have survived 15 months in government and appeal to the mercy and forgiveness of the nation.

This morning the Green Party's youngest TD Paul Gogarty (photo right), who commented in an e-mail that his party "might eventually consider withdrawing from the coalition", stated that he was now "fully behind the Minister for Education".

He said that - contrary to media reports - "the Green Party is not pulling out of government, nor are they climbing down on the education issue".

Taoiseach Brian Cowen said he does not believe there is any question mark over the stability of the current coalition government.

Meanwhile the independent Kerry TD and political 'maverick' Jackie Healy-Rae (photo left) declared that he would continue to support the government.
In statement he said that Minister for Education Batt O'Keeffe had "assured him that educational needs on a school by school basis would be reviewed in a better economic climate".

Last night the opposition claimed the Green Party was facing oblivion over its stance on education cuts, and this view is shared by many political observers and analysts, myself included.

The official position of the Green Party has been that they are in government "for the long haul, even if in the short term they are seeking changes in the education cuts".

But remarks in e-mail correspondence from Paul Gogarty go further. The Dublin TD and spokesman on Education for his party, tells a lobbyist against the budget cuts that "the Greens may eventually have to pull out of government on this or combined issues".

However, he now says "it is not going to happen until the party has exhausted all avenues".

One wonders how many avenues there are in Dublin. Last time I looked at a city map of our capital, I did not notice that many.

And in my opinion the Green Party remains in an uncomfortable fix. Being the youngest of the six Green TDs, Paul Gogarty is probably not yet fully infected with the dangerous virus of incompetence and ignorance that Leinster House seems to spread so easily among our elected representatives. He is obviously still able to see clearly the political reality, to which the more senior members of his party - especially the three Green ministers - close their eyes and ears so conveniently.

Looking at the three Green government ministers, one cannot help but be reminded ever more of the three proverbial monkeys, who see nothing, hear nothing and say nothing.
Quite a change from the once vibrant and ambitious speeches and actions the 'old' Green Party we had for 25 years was famous for.

I take no pleasure in writing this, but for me - until last year a long-time supporter of the Irish Green Party and environmental movement - the party as a force for good, for change and political alternatives, is dead. And if the Irish voters are not entirely blind and stupid, they will give the Green traitors the same treatment they applied to the PDs in the last general election.

The Emerald Islander

Massive Protest against Education Cuts in Dublin

In freezing cold temperature and rain approximately 12,000 teachers and parents turned out this evening to demonstrate against the education cuts announced in the 2009 Budget. (This figure is according to official sources, while the organisers of the protest say that they brought 20,000 people to Dublin.)
The rally outside Leinster House coincided with a Dáil debate on a Labour Party motion calling for the increase in class sizes to be reversed. It was addressed by several union leaders, parent representatives, school managers and politicians.

John Carr (right), General Secretary of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation (INTO), described the budget as "an act of educational sabotage".
He said the people were there to protest in the strongest possible terms about it, adding that they would not allow the educational system to be destroyed by the people inside Leinster House.
He urged the people to "stand and fight, shoulder to shoulder, against the most savage cuts ever taken against children in this country".
The cutbacks represented one broken promise too many, he added.

John White (left), General Secretary of the Association of Secondary Teachers Ireland (ASTI), said the cuts would affect every single school in the country.
He urged those at the rally to go back to their communities and ascertain what the effect of the cuts will be on their local schools, and then tell their local representatives.

Ferdia Kelly (right), the General Secretary of the Joint Managerial Body (JMB), which represents the Boards of Management of more than 400 Secondary Schools in the Republic of Ireland, warned that from January children may have to be sent home from schools, or schools may even be closed for a time, because of the proposed cutbacks on substitute teachers.
For generations, he said, teachers, parents and management had worked hard to keep Ireland near to the top of the international league on education.

Áine Lynch of the National Parents Council Primary (NPCP) said the increase in the capitation grant announced in the Budget will not even cover the rise in fuel prices and other day-to-day running costs of schools. The NPCP now fears that the cost of the deficit of running schools will be passed onto parents.
It also expressed concern about the reintroduction of the ceiling on language support teachers.

Meanwhile in the Dáil chamber this evening, the Taoiseach Brian Cowen (left) warned that "even with the Budget economies and cutbacks, the country will still run a deficit which will have to be tackled in the years ahead".

He was responding to questions from opposition leaders, including Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny.

Labour's education spokesman (and former leader) Ruairi Quinn (right) described the government's Budget as "an act of social vandalism which attacks children".
Introducing the Labour Party's motion seeking the reversal of the education cuts, he said that one effect of the cuts would be "to push young, shy children into classes of over 30 other children".

Education Minister Batt O'Keeffe (left), who is becoming increasingly rude and aggressive, accused the opposition of "hysterical claims and scaremongering" in the debate.
He described the changes as "a measured adjustment" and told TDs it was "not credible to claim that the primary school system will be in crisis next year as a result". It was pretty obvious that he was not comfortable in his role and stumbled through his speech in a very bad way, not to be seen from him often.

Fine Gael's Education spokesman Brian Hayes (right) said it was "stomach churning" to hear the Green Party justifying their support for the government cutbacks.
He predicted the controversy would prove "the Green's Stalingrad", claiming that the Green Party would never recover from the serious damage caused by breaking their pre-election promises.
Deputy Hayes emphasised that Minister Batt O'Keeffe "has no credibility in the education sector", describing him as "Brian Cowen's puppet".

Sinn Fein's Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin (left) called the Budget cuts a "callous attack on Irish children" and - reaching out across the party lines - urged "all members of the Dáil, regardless of allegiance" to join him in the "defence of our young, our schools and our education system".
Deputy Ó Caoláin, himself a teacher by profession, arrived a few minutes late and entered the Dáil chamber while Ruairi Quinn was already speaking.
He came directly from the mass demonstration outside the parliament and introduced himself to the debate as "a messenger of thousands of teachers and parents gathered outside in outrage and anger over the government's onslaught on the education and future of our children".

A nasty incident overshadowed the debate for a while and raised the political tempers even further. Conor Lenihan (right), Minister of State for Integration and brother of Finance Minister Brian Lenihan, shouted across the Dáil chamber during the speech of a Fine Gael TD and called Dr. Leo Varadkar (left) - Fine Gael's spokesman for Enterprise, Trade and Employment - "a fascist".
Lenihan augmented that outrageous statement with giving the Nazi salute, which caused uproar on the opposition benches and led to the intervention of Leas-Cheann Comhairle Brendan Howlin, who chaired the session in the absence of Cheann Comhairle John O'Donoghue.

The debate, which saw spirited exchanges between speakers from all parties, has now adjourned until tomorrow morning.

The Emerald Islander

IPPN urges Government to rethink Budget Cuts

The Irish Primary Principals' Network (IPPN) has called on the Irish government to reconsider the planned cuts in spending on education.

The network has a membership of 5100 school principals and deputy principals, representing 90% of all Irish primary schools.
It stated that upwards of 1000 teachers would be lost to the system as a result of the budget cuts.

IPPN Director Sean Cottrell said that it is "unthinkable that consideration would be given to cutting back on an educational infrastructure that has served the country so well."

"Recent history shows us clearly that our education system is an essential part of Ireland's infrastructure," he explained. "Just as it is unthinkable that we would dismantle our transport infrastructure in the face of economic pressures, so too is it unthinkable that we would consider cutting back on the educational infrastructure, which has served - and continues to serve - us so well."

Nine days before the 2009 Budget was introduced in the Dáil, IPPN President Larry Fleming had called on the Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan not to cut the education budget in order to give our children the education they need to succeed later in life. (see my entry of October 5th)

It appears that Brian Lenihan has not listened to the IPPN's plea, and meanwhile his party and cabinet colleague, Education Minister Batt O'Keeffe, has nothing better to do than to hurl insults and groundless accusations towards teachers and their organisations.

This is especially outrageous and disappointing as Mr. O'Keeffe was a teacher himself before he became a politician. But instead of supporting his former colleagues in their daily struggle for better education and fairer conditions, O'Keeffe has now become the fiercest enemy of Ireland's children, their teachers and the whole school and education system.

The Emerald Islander

Lenihan's Plan to save € 440 million

The Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan (photo) has outlined his first package of measures which are aimed at saving € 440 million in public spending this year.

Lenihan says that all government departments - with the exception of Health and Education - will be required to reduce their departmental payroll by 3% by the end of 2009.

The Minister also put on hold further acquisitions of property for the controversial government decentralisation programme, which was one of the favourite ideas of the former Minister for Finance and current Irish EU Commissioner Charlie McCreevy.

Planned pay increases for ministers, senior judges and civil servants will not go ahead, but the matter will be reviewed in September 2010.

The costs of our never-ending tribunals will also be reviewed, so that expenditure is minimised.

Brian Lenihan says that with these steps the government is hoping to save € 440 million in 2008, and a further € 1 billion in 2009.

He also announced that spending on consultancy, advertising and public relations would be cut by at least 50% in 2009, and significantly curtailed for the rest of this year.

State agencies will be reviewed, to see if they can share services, amalgamate or be abolished. The review's outcome is to be considered in the autumn.

Further savings of € 45 million will come from a cut in this year's Overseas Development Aid budget.

The Departments of Finance and Health & Children are to draw up a scheme to reduce surplus staff in the Health Servide Executive (HSE) as soon as possible.

All departments have also been told to stay within their annual budget.

The Cabinet has met today to agree on these measures. On his way into the meeting, Brian Lenihan said that he had "very constructive talks" regarding his cost-cutting measures. More cuts and savings are expected in December, when the new minister will present his first Budget.